address at the congress of angostura summary

For, of all Enlightenment thinkers, Rousseau is typically considered to be somewhat of an outsider, even a pioneer of the Counter-Enlightenment. But, as it turned out, this was just to pay lip service as Bolivar assumed dictatorial powers again and again throughout his ensuing political career. Geographies of Philological Knowledge: Postcoloniality and the Trasatlantic National Epic. Angostura, 1819" Main Point Summary/Background: Simn Bolvar's "Message to the Congress of Angostura, 1819" is more than the opening speech of a statesman to a constituent assembly; it is a voice that embodied realities of a new revolutionary society in Latin America. He thus anticipated these objections, by trying to assure the audience that a hereditary Senate would not be aristocratic: In no manner whatever would the creation of a hereditary senate be a violation of political equality; it is not a nobility I wish to establish, because that, as has been said by a celebrated republican, would be to destroy at once equality and liberty. He would lead them cross the Andes chain of mountains in modern-day Colombia towards a surprise attack on the capital, Bogota. But, even in the Angostura Address itself, Bolivar seemed to be very enthusiastic about strong governments with little distribution of power, as this passage makes clear: The Roman Constitution brought about the greatest power and fortune that any people on earth have enjoyed. Oxford University Press. He stated that government should work in favor of the people because they are all "American by birth and European by law", and that they should have the same rights as the other Europeans. ended four years prior. Considerations on France. While in Rome and inspired by his early contacts with liberal movements in the old continent (Bushnell 2003) he made an oath to free the American countries from Spanish imperialism (Castro-Klaren 2003). However, he implores his audience of 26 representatives to take into account social realities of the former Viceroyalty when writing a new constitution. It is extremely hard to follow Bolivars logic here. Yet notwithstanding this deformity, the Roman Republic did not suffer from the disastrous discord which might be expected from a leadership consisting of two individuals, both endowed with a monarchs powers (Bolivar 1819). The first time he mentions freedom he says, "Americans by birth and Europeans by law, we find ourselves engaged in a dual conflict: we are disputing with the natives for titles of ownership, and at the same time we are struggling to maintain ourselves in the country that . They went from being controlled by oversea nations to being independent nations. They justified themselves by arguing that they were just agents of a greater historical force. Simn Bolvar, el culto heroico y la nacin. Hispanic American Historical Review, 107145. Download date: August 25th, 2018. The Angostura Address 200 Years Later: A Critical Reading. The executive is commander in chief of the army and navy; he makes peace and declares war; but Parliament annually determines what sums are to be paid to these military forces. We all owe it our obedience and loyalty. Summary of H.R.541 - 118th Congress (2023-2024): BALE Act of 2023 Be as it may, however, the Constitution of Bolivia of 1826 proved to be his outdoing. As complement to the strong executive power, in the Angostura Address Bolivar proposed a legislative power divided in two chambers: Representatives and the Senate. Throughout the document, he is concerned about whether or not the emerging nations are truly ready for liberal forms of government. Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania: University of Pittsburgh Press. The executive power, consisting of two consuls, had the same flaw as Sparta. Reporters Without Borders. Poltica y cultura, 27: 929. Retrieved from: http://www.archivodellibertador.gob.ve/escritos/buscador/spip.php?article9987. Bolivar, once again, was a man of the Enlightenment, but on this dispute, he seemed to be more on the side of Counter-Enlightenment figures who believed that the same political recipe could not be applied universally to all nations. The Angostura Address: Cultural identity, ethnic relations Although never formally educated in universities, Bolivar was a self-taught man and had at least two illustrious tutors who were the arguably the leading intellectuals of the region at the time; Simon Rodriguez and Andres Bello. Latin America in the World Arena, 1990s - Present. Caballero, M. 2006. The Angostura Address 200 Years Later: A Critical Reading. But there is more. The Angostura Address 200 Years Later: A Critical Reading. Thus our position is most extraordinary and complicated. During Simon Bolivar's address at the Congress of Angostura, in 1819, he argued for the freedom of the people of Latin America. Mexico: The Taming of a Revolution. The hereditary senate will also serve as a counterweight to both government and people; and as a neutral power it will weaken the mutual attacks of these two eternally rival powers. His "Angostura Address of 1819" is much more than just a regular speech that any politician would make throughout the course of their career. At least theoretically, this would ensure that criollos would no longer be second class citizens. This new nation . Starting in 1999, Bolivars image was politically used by Hugo Chavezs leftist revolution, and ever since, leftist governments and guerrillas (especially FARC in Colombia) throughout the region have claimed to be followers of Bolivarian thinking. Caracas: Alfa. The will of the Grand Sultan, the Khan, the Bey, and other despotic sovereigns, is the supreme law, and it is arbitrarily executed by the pashas and inferior governors in Turkey and Persia, where the system of oppression is completely organized, and is submitted to by the people because of the authority from which it emanates. Bolivar's speaking style reflected the values of his epoch. It enjoys all its proper functions, and it requires no essential revision, because the Constitution, in creating it, gave it the form and powers which the people deemed necessary in order that they might be legally and properly represented. This text is part of the Internet Modern History Sourcebook. Bolvar, Simn. It is no speculation to argue that he was legitimately worried by the prospect that the emerging nations would not have a sufficiently defined national identity for viable political institutions. Hence, many expect that the 2019 will again be a year of nationalist unexamined joy, celebrating the Angostura Address. But, such celebrations should be devoid of nationalist distortions, and they should be cleansed of the typical hero-worship that has taken place in Latin America for the last 150 years, and has accelerated in Venezuela during the last 20 years. The Jamaica Letter is mostly about Bolivars attempt to justify his struggle for American independence. However, it would be a mistake to think that it was only after the independence that he became aware of this. In the Angostura Address, Bolivar engages in some confusing argumentation trying to justify the concentration of power in the executive branch of government: In a republic, the executive ought to be the strongest, because everything conspires against it; and on the other hand in a monarchy the legislative ought to be the most powerful, as everything unites in favor of the sovereign (Bolivar 1819). Helg, A. But, this second Venezuelan Republic would also prove to be short-lived. It must be based on the sovereignty of the people, the division of powers, civil liberty, the prohibition of slavery and the abolition of monarchy and privileges (Bolivar 1819). No matter what citizen occupies this office, he will be aided by the Constitution, and therein being authorized to do good, he can do no harm, because his ministers will cooperate with him only insofar as he abides by the law. If he attempts to infringe upon the law, his own ministers will desert him, thereby isolating him from the Republic, and they will even bring charges against him in the Senate. Castro-Klarn, S. 2003. After all, despite his authoritarian inclinations, Bolivar was a man of the Enlightenment, and it is safe to say that he would have been happy with open, frank and critical discussion of ideas, not mindless nationalistic worship. The whole purpose of the Angostura Congress was precisely for Bolivar to renounce power as dictator and give it back to the constituency. After some military action in New Grenada (modern-day Colombia), Bolivar returned to Venezuela in 1812 and after a remarkable series of military triumphs he managed to recapture the capital Caracas (Lopez and Lopez 1999). Predictably, many of these celebrations were carried out without sufficiently critical and objective approach towards historical data. This speech, now known as the Angostura Address, is a prime document in the Bolivarian canon. Levenes thesis proposes that the Indies were actually kingdoms with the same legal standing as kingdoms in the Iberian Peninsula; the implication is that Bolivars struggle for independence was unjustified. DOI: http://doi.org/10.16993/iberoamericana.427, Andrade, Gand J Lugo-Ocando. 80: Communist Interference in El Salvador, and Response to Stories Published in the Wall Street Journal and the Washington Post, U.S. Department of State and Alexander Haig (1981), Document #12: Testimonies of Guatemalan Women, Luz Alicia Herrera (1980), Chapter 5. Did not the Roman Empire conquer the world? Reprint ed., Washington, D.C.: Press of B. S. Adams, 1919. Document #2: "Address at the Congress of Angostura," Simn Bolvar (1819) Travels in Colonial Latin America; Discussion Questions; Further Reading; Chapter 3. After he assumed full dictatorial powers in 1828, Bolivar severely limited various basic liberties, appealing to reasons of public morality. And, at times, he seems to believe that, the new nations are not sufficiently mature to be wholly free: Liberty, says Rousseau, is a succulent food, but difficult to digest. Precisely because no form of government is so weak as the democratic, its framework must be firmer, and its institutions must be studied to determine their degree of stabilityunless this is done, we will have to reckon with an ungovernable, tumultuous, and anarchic society, not with a social order where happiness, peace, and justice prevail. Retrieved from: https://www.ensayistas.org/antologia/XIXA/bolivar/bolivia.htm. Who could resist the admiration and esteem inspired by an intelligent government, which unites at the same moment public and private rights, which forms by general consent the supreme law of individuals? This would become a perennial feature amongst many Latin American caudillos ever since and something that would dominate most of the regions politics and society for the next century (Castro 2007). Bolivars authoritarian turn came later in his political career, well after independence was sealed. Blanchard, P. 2008. In the Angostura Address, Bolivar tries to define Venezuelan national identity, more negatively than positively as he seemed clearer about what Venezuelans were not than what Venezuelans were: We are not Europeans, we are not Indians, but a middle race between the indigenous peoples and the Spaniards (Bolivar 1819). As with any leader who faces the dichotomy between utopias and realities, Bolivar had some profound ideological transformations throughout his political and military career. 1999. Bolivars political philosophy, as laid out in the Angostura Address and other political writings, also took on these authoritarian leanings. Bolivar was given some military assignments in defending the Venezuelan Republic against loyalists of the Spanish monarchy. My sword, and the swords of my illustrious comrades-in-arms, will protect its solemn authority. Throughout his post-colonial critique of Orientalists, Edward Said (2006) has documented how 19th Century Western scholars portrayed the East as some sort of mysterious place ruled by despots, mainly as a way to contrast the virtues of Western Enlightenment. DOI: http://doi.org/10.16993/iberoamericana.427, Andrade G and Lugo-Ocando J, The Angostura Address 200 Years Later: A Critical Reading (2018) 47 Iberoamericana Nordic Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Studies 74 DOI: http://doi.org/10.16993/iberoamericana.427, Andrade, Gabriel, and Jairo Lugo-Ocando. 7482. When it came to liberty, Rousseau himself had some qualms about how truly liberal a State should be, to the point that he claimed in an oft-quoted phrase from The Social Contract, that subjects should be forced to be free (Roberts 2012: 117). ), EZLN Command (1993), Chapter 4. . The Congress of Angostura is considered Venezuela's second legislative congress, the first being the one that met in 1811. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/S0022216X03006849. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/S0034670500001534, Andrade, G. and Lugo-Ocando, J., 2018. It is unlikely that any liberal concessions from Spain would have changed his mind, but the fact that these concessions were very incomplete, and that they were ultimately abolished by Ferdinand VII, sealed in his mind the question regarding the break with Spain. The Enlightenment did not reach Spain with the same force as it did in France or Great Britain. DOI: http://doi.org/10.16993/iberoamericana.427, Andrade G, Lugo-Ocando J. He attempts to excuse himself thus: Only an imperative necessity, united to a strongly expressed desire on the part of the people, could have induced me to assume the dreadful and dangerous office of dictator, supreme chief of the republic (Bolivar 1819). Paredes Muante, J. An Address of Bolivar at the Congress of Angostura (February 15, 1819) Reprint Ordered by the Government of the United States of Venezuela, to Commemorate the Centennial of the Opening of the Congress (tr. . In: Lively, J (ed. Indeed, despite his strong criticisms of Spanish imperialism he seemed to acknowledge that Spanish rule offered an important degree of stability and unity while independence could bring instead disunity and possible chaos amongst the emerging nations: The separation of America from the Spanish Monarchy resembles the state of the Roman Empire, when that enormous structure fell to pieces in the midst of the ancient world (Bolivar 1819). What republic has exceeded in duration those of Sparta and Venice? This question becomes even more important as it was central to the separatist movement against the Great Colombia that finally overthrew him and led to his exile and ultimate death in solitude. Strategies for Economic Development, Moments and Events in Latin American Economic Development, Document #35: Testimony before Congress on the Goals of NAFTA and Preliminary Evaluation, C. Fred Bergsten (1997), Document #36: NAFTA Equals Death, Say Peasant Farmers, Diego Cevalos (2002), Chapter 13. You may begin your work. It is certainly the case that, during Habsburg times (the dynasty before the arrival of the Bourbons), the Indies were not colonies in the modern sense. His choice of admiration for an ancient Greek city, reveals his militaristic tendency in the Angostura Address: The Republic of Sparta produced more real effects than Solons ingenious creation, even though it seemed a chimerical invention at first. El caudillismo en Amrica Latina, ayer y hoy. In the South American revolutions, there were men of action (Paez, Sucre, etc.) If a people, perverted by their training, succeed in achieving their liberty, they will soon lose it, for it would be of no avail to endeavor to explain to them that happiness consists in the practice of virtue; that the rule of law is more powerful than the rule of tyrants, because, as the laws are more inflexible, every one should submit to their beneficent austerity; that proper morals, and not force, are the bases of law; and that to practice justice is to practice liberty. Bolivar makes a sophistic gap that leaves careful readers perplexed. Yet, Bolivar (very much as Unamuno would do almost a century later), embraced Spains African identity. Again, Bolivar was certainly a big critic of Spanish imperialism, but he did not seem to mind other empires. Iberoamericana Nordic Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Studies. It met from February 15, 1819, established the new independent-from-Spain nation on December 17, was interrupted by further independentist activity, and reconvened on July 31, 1821, when . However, later on, in the Constitution that he wrote for Upper Peru (named Bolivia in his honor) in 1826 and that he attempted to impose on Colombia afterwards, he stipulated the figure of President for Life. This may not seem groundbreaking today, but in 1819, it was. Bolivar was a great man of action and an important thinker, but he was still flawed in many regards. Addressing the Congress of Angostura, 1819 [Bolvar addresses the Congress of Angostura. 1. Of course, it would be fallacious to accuse Bolivar of being authoritarian, just because he had authoritarian sympathizers. Chile: Repression and Democracy, A Voyage from the United States to South America, Thomas Bennett (1821), Document #28: Final Speech, Salvador Allende (1973), Document #29: Military Decrees on Seizing Power, Augusto Pinochet (1973), Document #30: Inaugural Address, Michelle Bachelet (2006), A Romanticism of Slavery and the Plantation Economy, Casa Grande e Senzala and the Formation of a New Brazilian Identity, Amnesty, Amnesia, and Moral Reparations in Brazil, Exploracin oficial por la primera vez desde el norte de la America del SurViaje a Rio de Janeiro, Francisco Michelena y Rojas (1867), Document #31: On Slavery in Brazil, Thomas Ewbank (1856), Document #32: State Department Telegram to Ambassador Lincoln Gordon (1964), Document #33: Letter to Pope Paul VI, Marcos Sattamini Pena de Arruda (1971), Document #34: Speech of the President of the Republic in the ceremony installing the Truth Commission, Dilma Rousseff (2012), Chapter 12. Yale University Press. Neoliberal Hegemony and the Pink Tide in Latin America. Simn Bolvar: Liberation and Disappointment. of History, Cal. And it is for this very reason that Bolivar believes that federalism works in North America, but it would never work in South America. 1Despite the prominent hero-worship of Bolivar, there have been scholarly works critical of his deeds. Scanned by J. S. Arkenberg, Dept. Latin America in the World Arena, 1800s-1980s, Moments and Events in U.S.-Latin American Relations (1800s-1980s), A History of United States Policy Towards Haiti, Document #46: Human Rights in Latin America: An Interview with Paulo Srgio Pinherio, Luis Muoz Martin: Founding Father of Modern Puerto Rico, Document #37: Monroe Doctrine, James Monroe (1823), Document #38 Abraham Lincoln on the Mexican-American War (1846-48), Document #39: Roosevelt Corollary, Theodore Roosevelt (1904), Document #40: Brazil, the United States and Pan Americanism, Document #35: United Fruit Co., Pablo Neruda (1950), Document #41: Address at a White House Reception for Members of Congress and for the Diplomatic Corps of the Latin American Republics, John F. Kennedy (1961), Chapter 16. Once again, he was inspired by his upbringing of admiration for Classical Antiquity: I have dared to suggest a moral power, drawn from the remote ages of antiquity and those obsolete laws, which for some time maintained public virtue amongst the Greeks and Romans (Bolivar 1819). He begins the address by presenting the concept that "We are not Europeans; we are not Indians; we are but a mixed species of aborigines and Spaniards" (Boli var). 1999. In this regard, Bolivar very much anticipates Tocquevilles analysis in Democracy in America. But, in the Angostura Address, he clearly mistrusts democracy, as it seems to cripple the strength of a nation: But what democratic government was ever able to unite power, prosperity and permanency at the same time? The constituency appealing to reasons of public morality surprise attack on the capital, Bogota in! Account social realities of the Internet Modern History Sourcebook came Later in his political career well! 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